UNITED
NATIONS
A

    General Assembly
A/PV.2267
14 October 1974


United Nations2267th
GENERAL PLENARYMEETING
ASSEMBLY Monday,14 October 1974,
TWENTY-NINTH SESSION at10.30 a.m.

Official Records NEWYORK
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CONTENTS
Page
Agenda item 108:
Question of Palestine (continued)657
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President: Mr. Abdelaziz BOUTEFLIKA
(Algeria).
________________

AGENDA ITEM 108
Question of Palestine (continued)*

1. The PRESIDENT (interpretationfrom French): I call upon therepresentative of the Syrian Arab Republic to introduce draft resolution A/L.736and Add. l and 2.

2. Mr. KELANI (Syrian Arab Republic) (interpretationfrom Arabic): The delegation ofthe Syrian Arab Republic is happy to present to the General Assembly draftresolution A/L.736 and Add.1 and 2, submitted by 72 countries. The text of thedraft resolution is as follows:

"The General Assembly,

"Considering thatthe Palestinian people is the principal party to the question of Palestine,

"Invites thePalestine Liberation Organization, the representative of the Palestinian people,to participate in the deliberations of the General Assembly on the question ofPalestine in plenary meetings."

3. It should be pointed out on thisoccasion that our debate today will be limited to discussion of the draftresolution' which is a procedural one having no bearing on the substance of theissue -- the question of Palestine itself -- which will be examined in detail ata later stage, beginning in the first week in November. The draft resolution isbased on one primary consideration the decision taken by the General Assembly toinclude the question of Palestine in the agenda of its present session. It isnormal that the Palestinian people, the principal party to the question, shouldhave its representatives present here during the Assembly's consideration ofthis item on its agenda. The Palestinian people, numbering more than 3 millionpersons, does not live under the normal conditions of life which other peoplesenjoy and which would have enabled it to elect its representative by democraticand parliamentary procedures. The reason for that is that it has been compelledto live in a different situation, with one part of its population exiled farfrom its [fatherland, dispersed throughout various parts of the world for morethan a quarter of a century and another part that has lived under Israelioccupation on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip since June 1967.

4. It is inevitable that this people inexile and under occupation should be in a state of revolt to recover itslegitimate rights that have been taken from it. Like any other revolutionarypeople, the Palestinian people has selected its leaders and is represented bythe Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO].

5. The PLO was not born of nothing;quite the contrary, it was selected from among the ranks of the Palestinianpeople and born of that people, which it represents. That people has thusconferred upon it a legitimate character. The PLO was born of a long strugglewaged by the Palestinian people for more than half a century and stillcontinuing. The Palestinian people has paid a high price in blood: tens ofthousands of its people have died; it has suffered the bitterness of exile; ithas been dispersed; and it has undergone the disaster of occupation.

6. The PLO reflects the struggle of thePalestinian people and is, therefore, recognized by more than 90 States as thelegitimate representative of that people. This has been affirmed in a clear wayby international and regional conferences. I can mention the Fourth Conferenceof Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers from 5to 9 September 1973. That Conference recognized the PLO as the legitimaterepresentative of the Palestinian people in its just struggle. I can mentionalso the Second Islamic Conference of Kings and Heads of State and Government,held at Lahore from 19 to 22 February 1974, which reaffirmed that the PLO wasthe sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in its juststruggle. Similarly, the twenty-third ordinary session of the Council ofMinisters of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], held at Mogadiscio from 12to 15 June 1974, affirmed its total support of the PLO in its heroic struggleagainst zionism and racism.

7. The PLO has been accorded observerstatus at a number of international conferences. This year it was present at aUNESCO conference, at the Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation andDevelopment of International Humanitarian Law Applicable in Armed Conflicts,held at Geneva from 20 February to 29 March and at the World PopulationConference held at Bucharest from 19 to 30 August. It was also present at theThird United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea held at Caracas thissummer and at a meeting of ICAO held at Montreal. The PLO will shortlyparticipate in the World Food Conference, to be held in Rome.

8. From the juridical point of view, aninvitation to the PLO to participate in the discussion of this problem is basedon the principles of the Charter, the right to self-determination and UnitedNations resolutions. General Assembly resolutions have, since 1969 till today,stressed recognition of the fact that the Palestinian people has the right toexercise its equitable and inalienable rights, including its right toself-determination.

9. The forced absence of thePalestinian people the purview of the international community -- which hasprevented it from participating in discussions, including those on resolutionsof decisive importance for its very existence and fate -- has been a principalreason for the Palestinian tragedy and one of the continuing manifestations ofthat tragedy. For this reason and to deal with the Palestinian question in avalid and correct manner, in a way that will yield practical, concrete andequitable results, we must take into consideration the necessity of enabling thePalestinian people to be represented here in this hall during our debates as aprincipal party with the sole right to defend its rights and to express itsdemands and aspirations.

10. On that basis, the General Assemblyhas the right to address an invitation to the PLO to participate in thediscussion of the question of Palestine when that question is examined in theplenary Assembly during the first week of November. This is provided for in theoperative paragraph of the draft resolution, and the delegations that havesponsored the resolution hope that it will receive the full support of theGeneral Assembly.

11. In conclusion, I request that aroll-call vote be taken on the draft resolution.

12. Mr. PETRIC (Yugoslavia): Therepresentative of the Syrian Arab Republic, Mr. Kelani, has on behalf of the 72sponsors introduced draft resolution A/L.736 and Add.1 and 2 very eloquently andin a well-argued manner.

13. My delegation is gratified to beamong the first to address the General Assembly on this question and to callupon it, by adopting this draft resolution, to redress a grave historicalinjustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people and thus to make a uniquecontribution to. and lay down the indispensable foundation for, the solution ofthe Middle East crisis, which has been plaguing the world for a quarter of acentury.

14. In doing this, we proceed fromYugoslavia's firm and consistent position regarding the right of peoples toself-determination and to their free development. and the necessity of resolvingthe Middle East crisis as a matter of urgency, and on the basis of and throughrecognition and realization of the national rights of the Palestinian people,and the withdrawal of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied during the1967 war and since that time. Our position reflects our resolute support for thejust struggle of the Arab peoples for the liberation of their territories fromthe Israeli aggressor and, in particular, our support for the just struggle ofthe PLO for the realization of the legitimate and inalienable rights of thePalestinian people to freedom, self-determination and independent development inconditions of peace and security. It is difficult to find in contemporaryhistory such an example of infringement of the freedom and violation of the mostcherished rights of a people -- a people that has been denied justice, drivenout of its homeland. turned into refugees and subjected to attempts at deprivingit of its national territory, while at the and same time attempts are made,through transforming the problem into a mere question of humanitarian assistance,to deprive that people of its national character instead of securing its rightsto a home to national identity, thus removing the question from the purview ofthe international community.

15. I wish to emphasize here that myGovernment's relations with the PLO, which we consider to be the only legitimaterepresentative of the Palestinian people, have been based on firm friendship andfull understanding for a long time. The mission of the PLO in my country hasbeen in existence for more than a decade. We have from the outset supported theadmission of the PLO to the non-aligned movement, which, at the FourthConference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries, held atAlgiers from 5 to 9 September 1973, gave its full support to the rightfulstruggle of the Palestinian people.

16. The Organization and the GeneralAssembly have borne from the very beginning, that is, since 1947 and 1948, agreat and historic responsibility towards the Palestinian people and its fate,and a just solution of the problem of Palestine. At the same time, however,without fulfilling the basic demand embodied in the draft resolution before us-- namely, that the PLO, as the representative of the Palestinian people, shouldbe invited to take part in the consideration of this question in the plenaryAssembly -- this problem cannot be properly discussed.

17. From the very beginning, thequestion of Palestine has been dealt with in the General Assembly. As is bothnatural and logical, it has been allocated, at the present session, to theplenary Assembly. It is, therefore, fully justified and inevitable that the PLO,as the only representative of the Palestinian people and the party most directlyconcerned, should take part in the consideration of the question of Palestine inthe plenary Assembly.

18. It is quite clear today that therecan be no successful solution of the Middle East crisis without a solution ofthe Palestinian problem, and that consequently, in the absence of such asolution, there can be no guarantee for the peace and security of all thecountries and peoples of that region. The struggle of the Palestinian people, asan element of the struggle for liberation of Arab and other peoples from foreignoccupation, colonialism, racism and foreign domination, has resulted in thequestion of Palestine becoming one of the most important issues of our time.

19. The placing of the question ofPalestine on the agenda of the General Assembly with such wide support is areflection of a growing feeling in the world that the Palestinian problem is avital element in solving the Middle East crisis. Therefore, the Palestinianpeople must be fully supported in its endeavours to realize all the rights thatare now enjoyed by the peoples of Member States of this Organization. The PLO,as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, already recognized byabout 100 States and liberation movements, must participate actively in allefforts and phases of the solution of the Middle East crisis, and, in particular,the solution of the problem of Palestine.

20. Consequently, it is high time forthe General Assembly and the international community to begin through the debateon the question of Palestine in the General Assembly, to deal concretely andcomprehensively with the problem of Palestine in all its aspects.

21. In supporting this draft resolution,Yugoslavia is giving real expression to its well-known position, namely, thatthe legitimate representatives of a country or people, in any part of the world,must fully participate in the shaping of their own destiny.

22. By adopting this draft resolution,the General Assembly will fulfil its obligation and accomplish a historic act;it will provide a specific solution for a unique problem.

23. For all the aforesaid reasons, wehope that the General Assembly will adopt this draft resolution in a mannerbefitting the significance of the action taken by us and corresponding to theneeds of the present moment and the expectations of all peace-loving andfreedom-loving mankind.

24. Mr. ADJIBADE (Dahomey) (interpretationfrom French): The question ofPalestine has been of concern to the United Nations ever since 1947, when theBritish Government reported on its administration of the Mandate which it heldin Palestine, and asked the Organization to reach a decision concerning thefuture of the Government of that Territory. We recall that after many ups anddowns, after a vast number of essentially selfish and partisan dealings, theOrganization decided to divide Palestine into an Arab State and a Jewish State,thus flagrantly flouting the right of the Palestinian people toself-determination and violating the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

25. Since that time there has existed aJewish State; but we are obliged to observe that the Palestinian Arabs have beendriven from the land of their ancestors, forced to relinquish their propertiesand to be scattered throughout the world in a life of begging and indigence. Themoral and material destitution of the Palestinian Arab people is a fact whichneeds no proof; nor need it be shown how they have been scorned and bullied.These are stubborn facts which weigh with ever-increasing heaviness on theconscience of all nations that love justice and peace.

26. More than one body in ourOrganization has considered the problem of Palestine, whose grave consequencescan be seen in the crisis in the Middle East which has existed now for nearly aquarter of a century. In spite of the many efforts of the Organization, thestatus and the fate of the Palestinian people have not been settled, for reasonswhich we shall refrain from mentioning now but which we shall elaborate on inour statement in the debate on the subject itself.

27. Contrary to the hopes which somecontinue to harbour, the Arab people of Palestine, with a grim determinationworthy of its stoic virtue, has become organized, has reaffirmed its identity,has consolidated its unity and has appointed its own genuine representatives inorder to make the international community share the anguish of its plight andsupport its reasons for hoping for a future with more justice, dignity andhappiness.

28. While we praise the efforts of theUnited Nations to provide relief and health services, education and training forPalestinians, Dahomey continues to believe that, while political considerationsearlier led the United Nations to confine its attention primarily to thehumanitarian aspects of the problem, the determination of the internationalcommunity today not to depart from the fundamental principles of the Chartermeans that we must go beyond the considerations that have thus far obscured theproblems in the Organization, and that the United Nations can no longer evadethe true nature of the problem if it is to find the proper remedy.

29. To Dahomey, the fundamental causeof the Palestinian problem and, consequently, of the crisis in the Middle Eastis a purely colonial situation, which the international community has a duty toput an end to once and for all. This cause is aggravated by expansionist designs,the grave consequences of which must, as a matter of greatest urgency, beeliminated in all their forms.

30. The responsible and awakenedPalestinian people can no longer be pacified by bread and circuses. First andforemost, they must be guaranteed the exercise of their rights as provided forin the Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. ThePalestinians must be able to recover their lands and their property, which havebeen confiscated. The Palestinians must be allowed to live on the land of theirancestors and to acquire the political power of their choice.

31. In this new approach to the problem,the Assembly has a duty to carry out a thorough and far-reaching debate of thisproblem with the participation of all parties concerned, in particular thePalestinians, who have not yet had an opportunity to be seated in our midst. Theparticipation of Palestinians in this debate is essential. By inviting thegenuine representatives of the Palestinian people to address our august Assembly,we shall be in a position to identify all the aspects of the problem and, withfull knowledge of all relevant facts, to begin work on a serious, lasting andeffective solution to the problem.

32. Draft resolution A/L.736 and Add.1and 2, submitted to us for approval, of which my delegation is a sponsor, doesmeet this requirement. That is why we venture to hope that the desire forjustice by which we must all be guided will prompt the Assembly to adopt thisdraft resolution unanimously or, at the very least, by an overwhelming majority.In so doing, we shall make it possible for the Organization to see to it thatthe force of law in Palestine will finally triumph over the law of force.

33. Mr. ABDEL-MEGUID (Egypt) (interpretationfrom Arabic): It is somethingof a paradox to speak here now to ask that a people should exercise its rights,more than 29 years after the birth of the United Nations, considering that thispeople had its own identity and its international personality long before thebirth of this Organization, whose first objective is to make every effort tobanish the scourge of war and to develop friendly relations among nations basedon respect for the principle of equal rights and of self-determination ofpeoples.

34. In fact, in the context of thesenoble principles, the situation of the Palestinian people has been steadilydeteriorating, and for 25 years the problem of this people has remained unsolved.It was inevitable that this problem, remaining unsolved, should continue to bean open sore in a sensitive region of great significance to international peaceand security.

35. Need I refer to the four wars whichhave broken out in the region since the emergence of this problem? Need I recallthe untold sufferings inflicted, and their harmful effects on the progress anddevelopment of the region?

36. The situation becomes even moreillogical when we review the history of the problem here in the United Nations.In fact, since 1953, the Organization has removed the question of Palestine fromthe agenda of the General Assembly and replaced it by another item devoted to aninstitution called UNRWA.

37. The international community has notattempted to resolve the problem of this people in its entirety despite the warsand crises that have erupted in the region. As a result, many ask what is thereason for this chronic tension and what solutions would be appropriate to therestoration of peace in the Middle East. That question arises every time thereis a crisis. Even so, I do not think that throughout all those years the worldcommunity can have failed to understand that the real reason is that the centralproblem itself has not been resolved and that the only way to restore permanentpeace is to resolve justly the problem of this people.

38. During these years, internationalpolitical elements have compelled the Organization to continue to examine theconsequences of the problem without actually studying its very meaning andwithout the presence of the main party directly interested -- the Palestinianpeople itself.

39. The irony of fate has evencompelled the leaders of Israel to deny the existence of the Palestinian people,whom they characterize as a band of terrorists.

40. Today, that people comes to theOrganization to submit its problem on its own behalf, because that people hasthe right to self-determination. It is not making excessive demands when it asksto be allowed to exercise that right, recognized by all doctrines of humanvalues, which emanates from the United Nations Charter itself and which has, bythe way, been supported by many resolutions of this Organization. Therefore, thePalestinian people confronts the world community with its responsibilities andspecifically presents it with two precise options: either to accept that peopleand hear its views, attempting to find a just solution to its problem, or torefuse that option and compel it to lose confidence in the United Nations and inall the noble values and principles upon which the Organization is founded.

41. As we see it, the choice is clear.Either we shoulder our responsibility and invite the representatives of thatpeople, as essential participants, to attempt to find a sincere, just anddurable solution to the problem, thus rectifying the error committed in ourfailure to examine the basis of the problem in recent years; or we follow anostrich-like policy and ignore the realities and thus perpetuate the viciouscircle of useless searches for a solution to the problem, ignoring the existenceof the major party, which has been deprived of its rights. Thus we shall try tofind a solution or we shall leave the situation to deteriorate untilconsequences of incalculable seriousness arise.

42. It is clear that in its essence thequestion of Palestine differs from any other political question that has beenexamined by the United Nations. As regards this problem, the United Nations isassuming an historic political and juridical responsibility. The question hasunique and distinct characteristics unlike those of any other problem. It is theproblem of a whole people with an identity of its own that was ready forindependence.

43. There have been the persistentIsraeli attempts to transform intentionally that people, which was exercisingall its national and inalienable rights, into a people composed of refugeesreduced to an existence in camps and forced to live on internationalcontributions, a people deprived of all its rights and of all hopes for thefuture.

44. Confronted with that situation, wecannot draw parallels. We cannot talk of formalities. We must avoid anyexaggerations. We must avoid sterile dialectics or claims without foundation,because they only cause our efforts to be wasted and hinder any attempts beingmade in the region to restore peace. We want those efforts to be founded onjustice -- and justice, as we see it, can be envisaged only if this people,which had legitimate rights, has those rights restored to it.

45. That is why Egypt feels thatgranting the representatives of the Palestinian people the opportunity toparticipate in the discussion on this question and to present that people'slegitimate claims will be a positive step by the United Nations to consolidateefforts towards peace, and not one that will hinder those efforts, as Israelclaims.

46. The opportunity presented to ustoday is one which will enable the Organization effectively and sincerely tocontribute to a solution of this problem and thereby to the consolidation of ajust peace in the region, the history of which shows that it becomes moreexplosive and dangerous every time the problem is left without a just solution.

47. When the PLO is invited toparticipate in the examination of the Palestinian question it will not therebygain more recognition, or confirm its existence. It is already recognized by tworegional organizations, which include more than 60 Members of the United Nations-- OAU and the League of Arab States. The PLO is also recognized by thenon-aligned countries, as well as by the group of Islamic countries; a largenumber of other peace-loving countries have recognized it, not to mentioncertain great Powers bearing major international responsibility for world peace.

48. The PLO now takes its place asobserver at a number of international conferences held under United Nationsauspices, including, quite recently, the Third United Nations Conference on theLaw of the Sea. The organization also participates in the deliberations of anumber of specialized agencies. I need only mention ICAO and UNESCO. The PLO,whenever it has achieved major international recognition, has based this on itslegitimate representation of the masses of the Palestinian people whose will wasembodied in the popular organizations that have selected the PLO to be theleader of this struggling people.

49. Logic compels us to invite the PLOhere to set forth its point of view from this rostrum because the composition ofthe Organization has become increasingly large in the past 25 years. TheOrganization includes more than 80 new Members, which have the right to hear theviewpoint of the representatives of the Palestinian people itself, to hear themexpress their aspirations, their desires and their claims to exercise theirrights like all other peoples.

50. The Arab Republic of Egypt, as asponsor of the draft resolution, together with over 70 other States, wanted toexpress its unshakeable faith in the importance and necessity of inviting thePLO to participate in the discussion of the question of Palestine. We areconfident that the United Nations, by including this question on the agenda as aseparate item, wants thereby to implement the legitimate aspirations of thePalestinian people. Egypt accords major importance to this problem and it isproud, as always, of having supported all just causes. Egypt is convinced thatany position we take with respect to this situation will be reflected in history,and that is how political relations in the world of tomorrow will be developed.

51. The General Assembly, we are sure,will meet the desires of the countries that are sponsors of the draft resolutionby inviting the PLO to participate in the discussion of this question.Considering that it is the principal party directly concerned, we are convincedthat the participation of the PLO will serve effectively and realistically toconsolidate the efforts deployed to strengthen peace.

52. In conclusion, I should like toquote a declaration made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt when hespoke before the General Assembly on 1 October:

"The Palestinian people arecapable of seizing their own rights and of imposing their will, but it would bebetter to give their movement international legitimacy instead of imposing uponthem the task of struggling outside that framework of legitimacy. By virtue oftheir long history of dealing with situations and facing reality objectivelywithout evasiveness, the Palestinian people are qualified to assume this task.They realize that the glorious war of 6 October has opened up new horizons forthe Arabs and has for the first time afforded an opportunity to reach a just andpermanent peace in the area that would make it possible for its people to devotetheir attention to development and to the task of economic and socialtransformation which is needed to make their future secure." [2250thmeeting, para. 45.]

53. Mr. SALIM (United Republic ofTanzania): For years many Members of this Organization, with increasingmajorities, have sought to alleviate the sufferings of a people denied theirnatural homeland or voice. For years the United Nations has been called upon tocome to grips with the explosive situation in the Middle East. And in the yearssince the founding of the Organization, that explosive situation in the MiddleEast has four times erupted into open war.

54. While after every war there hasfollowed a period of uneasy cease-fire, peace has consistently eluded the area.The current "no-war, no-peace" situation in the Middle East testifiesto this dismal picture. We do not want to sound like prophets of doom and gloom,but we are convinced that tensions and confrontations will continue to reign inthe Middle East unless the root cause of the conflict is justly resolved. Therecan be no doubt in our mind that the continued deprivation of the legitimaterights of the Palestinian people is what constitutes one of the greatestimpediments in the resolution of the conflict.

55. Following the crushing of the Nazityranny that laid millions of lives to waste and turned whole peoples intorefugees, the international community was determined to express into realityhumanity's aspirations for peace and mankind's goal of equity, justice andrespect of fundamental human rights. It was in this spirit that an act of thisOrganization gave birth to the State of Israel by the partition of Palestine.The tragic consequences of that act have since proved to be a central issuedirectly governing all aspects of peace and security in the immediate area ofthe Middle East and tends to threaten the normal human intercourse of the worldat large.

56. The articles of the decision ofthis Organization had stipulated unambiguously that the provisionaladministration of the State created by that decision must make a declarationguaranteeing, among other things, the natural rights of the Arab people ofPalestine. The history of this question leaves no doubt whatsoever that theauthorities of the State of Israel have since used that act of the UnitedNations, which gave birth to the State of Israel, as a spring-board forexpansion. The legacy has since been tension and war, and insecurity and waragain.

57. There can be no argument or doubtwhatever that the Organization is motivated, and committed by-principle, toachieve peace and justice for humanity. this respect, in fact in every respect,there can be genuine peace, no lasting peace, without justice.

58. The most tragic of the unintendedeffects of the emergence of the State of Israel has been the plight of thepeople of Palestine. It has become normal, in the annals of human history, forthe international community to deal with the sufferings of hundreds, sometimesthousands, of human beings turned into refugees by natural disasters or byincidental human failings. There have been many instances where thisOrganization and related international organizations and agencies have acted notonly to alleviate but, indeed, to redress the hardships befallen to human beingswho had become refugees. In fact, for many years this Organization has sought totreat the plight of the people of Palestine solely as a question of givingassistance to refugees. But the central issue in the plight of the Palestinianpeople is not how much assistance, or how much charity the internationalcommunity can or should lend to that people. The cardinal issue here is therecognition of the natural and inalienable rights denied the people of Palestineby the conscious acts of a State for the emergence of which this Organization isresponsible. As I have stated earlier, it has always been the endeavour of theinternational community to lend necessary assistance to alleviate the sufferingsof any people. However, by failing to face the central issue in the plight ofthe Palestinian people, by inaction or by sidestepping the cardinal factor, theUnited Nations will remain culpable in the sufferings and hardships visited uponthe people of Palestine, conveniently labelled refugees to shelter the rootcause from international exposure.

59. In resolution 181 (II) of 29November 1947, the General Assembly requested a declaration -- to which I hadreferred earlier -- whose stipulations should be:

". . . [recognized] asfundamental laws of the State and no law, regulation or official action shallconflict or interfere with these stipulations, nor shall any law, regulation orofficial action prevail over them." [Resolution181 (11), Plan of Partition with Economic Union, part 1, section C.]

The essence was to seek to guaranteethe natural and inalienable rights of the people of Palestine, not as refugeesliving in miserable camps, not as permanent exiles, but as a people in theirhomeland.

60. Contemporary history has shown thatnot only were those guarantees never achieved, but on the contrary it has beenthe systematic effort of the State of Israel to deny the very existence of thePalestinian national people or to exclude those of the Palestinian people withinthe geographic boundaries of Israel from the mainstream of deciding the destinyof their nation. This anachronistic situation has, intera/ia, been the root cause ofthe recurring conflagrations in that area commonly referred to as the MiddleEast.

61. In recognition of the precedingaspects of the plight of the Palestinian people, this Organization has by itsresolutions reaffirmed the right of the people of Palestine toself-determination. By its commitment to the establishment of peace and theacquisition of and respect for basic human rights and justice, the internationalcommunity, acting as a body or through the efforts of individual States, soughtto bring about an agreement among the parties involved in matters relating toand arising from the problem of the people of Palestine. It is the contentionand belief of the Tanzanian Government that any effort that precludes directparticipation by the representatives of the people of Palestine would be anon-starter and, by that token, guaranteed to fail. There have been those whohave sought to deny the existence of the Palestinian people. My delegationconsiders this a fanciful delusion that has been shattered by reality. It is therecognition of this fact that has led all peoples desiring and seeking genuinepeace and justice for the people of Palestine, for all the peoples of the MiddleEast, and for the nations of the world, to recognize the PLO as the authenticrepresentative of the Palestinian people.

62. This Assembly, committed to theefforts of achieving peace and justice, has for the first time included theproblem of Palestine on its agenda, for consideration by the plenary Assembly.As this Organization has affirmed the right of the Palestinian people toself-determination, as the Assembly of this Organization has sought from thevery start to guarantee the rights of the Palestinian people, this Assembly mustof necessity, in taking up the question of Palestine, invite the representativesof the people of Palestine to participate in the discussions scheduled inplenary meetings.

63. History teaches that no people canbe made to forget iniquities committed against them. No amount of intimidation,political cajoling or blackmail can stifle the determination of a people tofight for its rights. The Palestinians are no exception. Through the PLO theyhave begun to assert themselves in a more concrete manner. Those who refuse tosee this reality are simply indulging in an exercise in self-delusion. TheUnited Nations cannot work for peace and justice and ignore this reality. Thatis why we find it only natural and logical for the representatives of the PLO totake pan in the discussions on the item to which they are one of the principalparties, and we commend our draft resolution contained in document A/L.736 andAdd.1 and 2 to this Assembly in the knowledge that the Organization is seriouslyinterested in the solution of the question of Palestine.

64. Mr. DRISS (Tunisia) (interpretationfrom French): This year theGeneral Assembly has taken a historic decision. That decision will not fail toenhance the prestige of our Organization, whose essential role is dailyconfirmed, which is to defend the right of peoples to self-determination,independence and sovereignty and to safeguard international peace and security.

65. The inscription of the question ofPalestine on the agenda of the twenty-ninth session is a just decision with vastimplications. By considering for the first time in more than a quarter of acentury the fundamental aspect of this problem, that of the national andinternational identity of a people, the General Assembly is proclaiming itsdetermination to shoulder its responsibility for settling this question in whichthe Organization, directly after it was created, played a basic, if not adecisive, part. Did it not take responsibility for the partition of Palestine in1947? It cannot ignore this real problem much longer without running a graverisk to its authority. The destiny of the Palestinian people is at the root ofall the complications in the Middle East and unless a solution to it is found,nothing can be settled and no real peace established in the region.

66. Fortunately, thinking has changed agood deal now, but it has been at the price of appalling tragedies and grievousconfrontations, and could not have been achieved without the heroic resistanceof the Palestinians. But now we are returning to the provisions of the Charter,which consecrate the principle of the equal rights of peoples and their right toself-determination. Now there is a great determination to repair one of thegreatest injustices that mankind has ever known, of which the Palestinian peopleas a whole have been victims, for they have been dispossessed of their land,driven from their ancestral home, reduced to the condition of a wanderingpeople, refugees in our world. Having considered this question in the spirit ofresolution 3089 D (XXVIII) of 7 December 1973, the General Assembly hasdetermined that the time has come to create the conditions necessary for the"full . . . realization of the inalienable rights of the people ofPalestine, particularly its right to self-determination".

67. But how can we move in thatdirection if we refuse to hear the Palestinian people? How can we move in thatdirection if we continue to debar its representatives from appropriategatherings and from discussions concerning its very existence?

68. Here I wish to quote from astatement by the President of the Tunisian Republic, Habib Bourguiba, whoseposition has been known for a very long time. President Bourguiba declared fromthis very rostrum, on 20 May 1968:

"... and whatever that solutionmay be, it can only be conceived with the participation and with the agreementof the principal party concerned: the Palestinian people."1

President Bourguiba, a few days earlierin Washington, on 15 May 1968, said that it is now the Palestinian people thathas assumed, and will continue to assume in greater measure, responsibility forits struggle to recover its rights and for the kind of compromise which may putan end to its struggle. He stressed that this people was becoming increasinglystrong, and he urged the leaders of the world to take this into account, for ifthey failed to do so they would be acting on the basis of obsolete plans.

69. That has always been the positionof Tunisia in accordance with values we have always held and principles forwhich we have always fought. I wish to remind you of the statement which we madein the Security Council on 17 April 1973, in which we stressed the fact that itwas necessary to consider the Palestinian problem by bearing in mind twoelements:

"... Before demanding of thePalestinians that they respect international law, the international communityshould, first of all, take action so that international law respects thePalestinian people."2

And, secondly, we said that therepresentatives of the Palestinian people should be heard.

70. The Tunisian delegation isconvinced that the Assembly will decide to hear the representative of the PLO.The result will be that this debate will be more businesslike and more usefulbecause the PLO, which has shown that it is the genuine representative of thePalestinian people, will be able, as it has been in the past, to face itsenormous responsibilities and will certainly make a major positive contributionto our work.

71. The PLO is well known. It is, inbrief, a national liberation movement very much like the movements that we haveseen fighting in former colonial territories, some of which are continuing tofight today. It is a movement resisting the colonizer, the oppressor and theoccupier. It is a fully structured, political organization, which has earned itscredentials by conducting, for the past 10 years, the heroic fight of thePalestinian people against terror and repression and to recover the rights ofthe Palestinian people to self-determination and to their homeland. Thatorganization has been pursuing a national and political struggle that is acredit to people everywhere. And if Palestinian patriots at times answerviolence with violence, I would ask you: are they to be blamed? Are theyaggressors or victims of aggression? Moreover, have they been given any choiceas to the means to be used in the struggle? For these banished people have beenignored, they have been scorned and driven from their lands, so that they havehad no choice but to react and organize to defend themselves against a vastenterprise designed to liquidate them as a nation and as individuals. Moreover,is it not a fact that the PLO has displayed a sense of responsibility which alldelegations here should welcome? Has that organization not expressed itsdisapproval of many violent actions which it felt it could not condone? When weheard one speaker portray the leaders of the PLO as assassins or terrorists, anddenounce them with undue vehemence, we said that we profoundly regretted suchnegative and emotional rhetoric. Such language is hardly, after all, likely todivert the attention of the Assembly from terrorism that has been elevated tothe rank of State policy. In any case, it is not the best way to set people'sminds at rest and to contribute to the creation of conditions for an equitablesolution and a just and lasting peace.

72. The recent glorious history of yourcountry, Mr. President, bears witness to this. All those who blindly andirresponsibly have been called terrorists and killers have shown themselves tobe heroic fighters, members of resistance movements who sacrificed themselves inthe cause of liberty, conscientious and forward-looking politicians, worthyspokesmen, dispassionate and understanding. Need I say any more about thenational liberation movements which some have tried in vain to discredit and toliquidate? Need I give a list of distinguished statesmen, many of whom are stillleading our countries, who were called common murderers during their heroicstruggle by those who advocate colonialism and oppression? I will only mention afew examples, such as the Front de libération rationale algérien, within whichPresident Houari Boumèdiene and you yourself, Sir, fought for the independenceof Algeria. I might also mention Jomo Kenyatta, who successfully emergedunscathed from a terrible and interminable repression and who, happily, stillpresides over the destiny of Kenya. In my country, the Néo-Destour was mistakenby its adversaries for a band offellaghas. Is it not true thatPresident Bourguiba was thrown into prison on a number of occasions, a victim ofcontemptible charges, and did he not miraculously escape the scaffold in 1938?After difficult times, warm relations marked by friendship and co-operation wereestablished between Tunisia and France. That objective was one which PresidentBourguiba and the Tunisian people had always pursued.

73. Other resistance movements inEurope have also been called terrorist movements in the recent past. Examplesare the French resistance movement directed by General de Gaulle, and theYugoslav resistance movement directed by President Tito. Which regime calledthem those names and what eventually happened to that regime is well known.Inevitably, all those liberation forces eventually won the day and triumphedover acts of repression and psychological campaigns, for they embodied thehonour of their people, and in most cases they met with the most sympatheticresponse in the very countries that were fighting against them. Major Powershave in many cases come to their senses and have become involved in the generalprocess of decolonization with which we are now familiar, and they have done sowith the participation of organizations which at one time were persecuted. Thatis true of Portugal, which is now carrying out admirable work in the area ofdecolonization in full co-operation with African liberation movements, althoughthe former Portuguese regime completely ignored those movements.

74. It would be vain to try today todiscredit the PLO or to challenge its representativeness. That organization hassucceeded in becoming identified with the Palestinian people as a whole, it hasembodied their aspirations and it has made its voice heard throughout the world;its authority and its prestige have gone far beyond the region. It is nowrecognized by the overwhelming majority of States. Now that it has establisheditself, and in view of its representativeness and experience, it is a matter ofurgency that that organization be invited to state its views to us and that itbe officially and closely involved in efforts designed to settle the question ofPalestine. The organization fully represents a people whose land was the subjectof a decision of the General Assembly 27 years ago and it is only natural thatit should be heard here.

75. Africa is particularly concernedwith the situation in the Middle East and with the plight of the Palestinianpeople, which has been deprived of its homeland and its legitimate rights. Thecurrent President of OAU, General Mohamed Siad Barre, President of the SupremeRevolutionary Council of the Somali Democratic Republic, devoted significantpassages in his statement to the General Assembly on 9 October to those problems,in particular the problem of the question of Palestine. I should like to quotefrom one passage which concerns specifically the problem under considerationtoday:

"The Organization of African Unityrecognized long ago that the issue of the Palestinian people is a mattermeriting special emphasis, and that is why the Palestine Liberation Organizationwas given observer status in that Organization." [2262ndmeeting, para. 93.]

76. The Heads of State and Governmentof OAU, meeting at Mogadiscio, from 12 to 15 June 1974, adopted a resolution onthe Middle East, which states, interalia:

". . . a just and lasting peace inthe Middle East must be based on the following fundamental principles:


and, in particular,
77. A more specific point concerning ourconsideration of the Palestinian problem in these early stages is that theresolution proclaims the complete support of OAU for the struggle of the PLO, asthe sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and for its heroicstruggle against zionism and racism. Africa, then, stands with all the forces ofjustice throughout the entire world in an effort to bring about the triumph of apeople that has suffered too much. The time has come for the internationalcommunity to do justice to that people. This would be a precedent, a welcomeevent, ushering in a new era in the history of the Palestinian problem, whichhas been developing very dangerously and tragically, I should say, sinceNovember 1947, outside the framework of the United Nations. It would be an actof justice to the Palestinian people, who have been scorned and ignored. Itwould be primarily an essential contribution to the search for a peaceful, justand lasting settlement in the area and it would also be an importantcontribution to the maintenance of international peace and security there. Theadoption of draft resolution A/L.736 and Add. l and 2, which we heartily commendto the Assembly, would mark a fortunate turning-point in the history of theMiddle East and the history of the Organization.

78. Mr. DATCU (Romania) (interpretationfrom French): The recentdecision of the General Assembly to include in the agenda for this session theitem entitled "Question of Palestine" and to submit it for debate inplenary meeting is a source of deep satisfaction to Romania. As is well known,my country has been firmly and consistently in favour of a solution to theconflict in the Middle East through the peaceful means of negotiation. In thedecision of the General Assembly we see edifying proof of the determination ofthe international community to take new steps towards a commitment on the partof the United Nations to explore all possibilities for a political settlement ofthis conflict.

79. 1 asked to speak today in order topresent briefly the reasons which, as we see it, convincingly favour theadoption of the draft resolution before us, submitted by 72 States, includingRomania. The invitation to representatives of the PLO to participate in ourdebate seems to us to be the next logical, natural step, which is urgentlynecessary. International practice shows that it is impossible to elaborate justand lasting solutions without direct participation by all interested parties.This requirement, which Romania resolutely supports, has, by the way, beenreflected also in the general debate at the present session of the GeneralAssembly. The effective and consistent application of this principle objectivelyin the present case requires the participation in the plenary meetings of theGeneral Assembly of the PLO, which is the legitimate spokesman for thePalestinian people and a valid interlocutor, one directly interested in findingsolutions in conformity with the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinianpeople and qualified to do so.

80. The PLO has the right to representthe Palestinian people, as has been frequently recognized in many internationalforums under the aegis of the United Nations and, in particular, the WorldPopulation Conference, which took place at Bucharest in August this year. Permitme now to express the conviction of my delegation that the time has come for theUnited Nations to be able to make a substantial contribution to the search for asettlement of the question of the Palestinian people, to the benefit of thatpeople, as a result of the conditions that have been created for a frank andfruitful exchange of ideas. That is why it is more necessary than ever to giveevidence of wisdom and of a spirit of innovation and to abandon certainprejudices that have been formed over the years.

81. A decision of the General Assemblyto invite the PLO as the principal interested party to participate in the debateon the question of Palestine would mark an even more resolute commitment on thepart of the United Nations to engage in the elaboration of uniformly acceptablepolitical solutions capable of ensuring the integrity, the peace and thesecurity of all peoples in that zone. The achievement of these major objectivesand the avoidance of armed conflicts and loss of human life will without anydoubt lead to an enhancement of the role and prestige of the Organization. Weare living through times of particular historic importance during which we arecalled upon to decipher, with full responsibility, the meaning of the facts andthe profound implications of our acts both for the present and for the future.The Romanian delegation feels that therefore it is necessary to have therepresentatives of the PLO present at the plenary meetings of the GeneralAssembly during the debate on the question of Palestine and it appeals to otherdelegations to vote in favour of the draft resolution now before us.

82. Mr. RAHAL (Algeria) (interpretationfrom French): The request forthe inclusion of the item "Question of Palestine" in the agenda forthis session did not give rise to lengthy debate, and approval was given withoutany opposition. That allows us to assume that there is general agreement withinthis Assembly on the importance of the question and the necessity of discussingit, but also, and perhaps most important, on the fact that the problem is withinthe responsibility of the General Assembly.

83. I shall not now become involved inan exposition of the views of my delegation on the question of Palestine itself,since at present we are only studying draft resolution A/L.736 and Add.1 and 2,of which Algeria is a sponsor, which calls for the participation in ourforthcoming debate on the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people.It does not seem that the proposal, which has already been supported by a verylarge number of delegations, needs any lengthy pleading in its favour. Thespeakers who have preceded me have already expounded on the relevant arguments.I shall therefore limit myself to the following considerations.

84. No one in this hall would wish thedebate on the question of Palestine to result only in a revival of passions, anunleashing of antagonisms and the introduction of a new element of tension intoa crisis that is already complex and explosive. The question of Palestine hasbeen brought before the Assembly because it must be examined in any search for atrue settlement. That is why we have supported in the General Committee and herein the Assembly the inclusion of this item in the agenda for our deliberations.To achieve that objective, such examination must as far as possible remainoutside the subjective and emotional context that has always surrounded theproblems of the Middle East. It must seek to isolate the real and fundamentalelements of the crisis. That clearly calls for an effort by all at moderationand objectivity, which alone will make it possible to leave the well-troddenpaths, to get rid of the empty slogans and to face the situation with courageand sincerity.

85. How can we imagine that a debate ofsuch importance, one designed to be as constructive as this is, could proceedwithout the participation of the Palestinians themselves, since it, in fact, isconcerned with their situation and their future, their rights and their claims?No one could rightly claim to take their place to express their point of viewand defend their opinions.

86. While that seems to be generallyadmitted, certain persons cast doubts on the representative status of the PLOand ask, some in good faith and some not, to what extent that organization isentitled to speak for the Palestinian people. This is not a new problem. Almostall liberation movements have had to face it when, at one stage or another oftheir struggle, the possibility of negotiation has presented itself and thequestion has arisen of finding what is called valid spokesmen. It has oftentaken a good deal of time and has uselessly prolonged suffering andconfrontation for liberation movements ultimately to be accepted and recognizedas the authentic representatives of their peoples.

87. Certainly, representative status isnot the result of a mandate conferred by means of a vote, as the customaryprovisions of ordinary law require. Liberation movements certainly have more todo than that. They have other preoccupations and obligations than that oforganizing a poll in order to demonstrate the validity of their mandate. Therepresentative status of liberation movements hence is won in the very strugglethey wage and is a result of the support they receive from their people --without which, clearly, they would not be able to survive for long. It is thatrepresentative status which the PLO claims, and which ought to be accorded to it,just as it has been accorded to other liberation movements.

88. If the Palestinian people is to bea party to our debates it must be through their best-qualified representatives.And who could be better qualified in this respect than those who are leading itin its struggle? We feel that only on that basis can the debate on the questionof Palestine assume the character of frankness and honesty, without which itwould lose the greater part of its interest.

89. Mr. TEKOAH (Israel): Theindependence and sovereign equality of Member States are the cornerstones of theUnited Nations. The draft resolution before us proposes to reward a relentlesscampaign against the very existence of an independent Member State. The UnitedNations has proclaimed its support for the liberty of all peoples. The draftresolution submitted by the Arab delegations and their supporters gives succourto an organization which strives to deny the Jewish people its right to nationalliberty and self-determination.

90. The declared purpose of the UnitedNations is to save mankind from the scourge of war, but today it is being askedto extend its facilities to those who live by war and violence waged against thefundamental precepts of the United Nations Charter. For years the United Nationshas tried to combat international terrorism. Now it is called upon to welcomethose who have turned the premeditated murder of innocent children, women andmen into a profession.

91. The fact that draft resolution A/L.736and Add.1 and 2 is in violation of the Charter, of the rules of procedure and ofall precedents is obvious to everyone. However, it is also a fact that mostvotes on issues concerning the Middle East are cast not on the merits ofproposals, not on the basis of what is right and what is wrong, what is legaland what is contrary to law; the mechanical majority is always one-sided and,therefore, the parliamentary outcome of the vote about to be taken is a foregoneconclusion. However, it is essential that the meaning and the repercussions ofnot opposing this draft resolution be clear to us all.

92. The so-called Palestine LiberationOrganization did not emerge from within the Palestinian community. It was thefirst summit meeting of Arab Governments held at Cairo m January 1964 thatdecided to establish an organization under the cover of which terror-warfarewould be pursued and intensified against Israel. They named it the PLO andassigned its leadership to the infamous Ahmed Shukairi. Under the umbrella ofthat organization were brought all the existing terrorist groups, such as ElFatah -- established by the Intelligence Branch of the Syrian Army in the late1950s -- and the other terror organizations formed since then. Though one grouphas recently withdrawn from the Executive Council of the PLO, none has left theorganization as such.

93. There was no presence at the timeof its establishment that the PLO was in any way representative of Palestinians.There is no room for such pretence today. The organization has never beenanything other than a mere instrument of those who have been conducting acampaign of savage atrocities, aimed explicitly at the destruction of Israel. Itrepresents only itself, namely, the approximately 10,000 murderers trained andpaid for the slaughter of innocent human beings. To equate them with thePalestinian community is to do a grave injustice to the latter.

94. Surely if peace is to be attainedin the Middle East, the Palestinians must not be identified with those who wagewar against peace and revel in barbaric bloodshed.

95. The Covenant of the PLO adopted inMay 1964, as amended in 1968, stipulates, interalia:

"Article 19

"... the establishment of Israelis fundamentally null and void . . .

"Article 20

"The claim of a historical orspiritual tie between Jews and Palestine does not tally with historicalrealities ... The Jews are not one people with an independent personality.

"Article 22

". . . the liberation of Palestinewill liquidate the Zionist and imperialist presence in Palestine.

"Article 9

"Armed struggle is the only way toliberate Palestine and is therefore a strategy and not tactics."

Also, according to the Covenant, onlyJews who lived in Palestine in 1917 -- I repeat, in 1917 -- would be allowed toremain.

96. The official PLO informationpublications and the statements of its leaders are even more explicit. Forexample, the El Fatah manual, No. 8, entitled "The Liberation of theOccupied Lands and the Struggle Against Direct Imperialism", declares:

"Liberation action is not only theremoval of an armed imperialist base, but, more important -- the destruction ofa society. [Our] armed violence will be expressed in many ways. In addition tothe destruction of the military force of the Zionist occupying State, it willalso be turned toward the destruction of the means of life of the Zionistsociety in all its forms -- industrial, agricultural and financial. The armedviolence must seek to destroy the military political, economic, financial andideological institutions of the Zionist occupying State, so as to prevent allpossibility of the growth of a new Zionist society.

"The aim of the Palestinianliberation war is not only to inflict a military defeat but also to destroy theZionist character of the occupied land, whether it is human or social."

97. In recent years this objective hassometimes been presented, for obvious propaganda reasons, under the guise of theslogan of a "democratic de-Zionized Palestine" in which Muslins,Christians and Jews would live, allegedly, in harmony and peace.

98. Appearing on French television on31 May 1974, Yassir Arafat, head of the PLO and its largest component groupingEl Fatah -- Black September, explained that the establishment of the so-called"democratic State in which Muslins, Christians and Jews will coexist"is merely "a civilized slogan".

99. In fact, there are such supposedlydemocratic Arab States -- for instance Yemen and Algeria -- from which theentire Jewish populations were fortunate to escape to Israel. Another example isSyria, and the entire world knows full well the plight in which its ancientJewish community finds itself today and has been throughout the centuries.

100. The joint communique issued on 15June 1974 by Yassir Arafat and President Qaddafi, following Arafat's visit toLibya, stated:

"The Libyan revolution . . .supports the Palestine revolution . . . until all the Palestinian soil isliberated and the Arab struggle achieves its aim of establishing Arabism andfreedom in Palestine."

101. In a speech he made in Tripoli twodays earlier, on 13 June 1974, Arafat announced:

"We shall drench with our bloodevery inch of our land. As this Arab land" -- Libya -- ''has been freedfrom American defilement, so our Palestine land is being freed from Zionistdefilement."

102. The objective is therefore clear,under whatever propaganda slogan it appears.

103. Zuhier Muhsin, a member of the PLOExecutive and head of its military department, said on 26 September 1974:"Israel will not remain, in any of its parts, not even in Tel Aviv".

104. Arafat himself declared recentlyin Cairo: "Our progress will stop only in Tel Aviv, when we will create ourPalestinian Democratic State".

105. Speaking on 7 December 1973 at theBeirut Arab University, Naif Hawatmeh, another PLO leader, who is sometimespresented as, supposedly, especially moderate, stated that he "supports theliquidation of the State of Israel and the uprooting of the Zionist entity".

106. On 23 April 1974, Ahmed Jibril,leader of another PLO murder group, proclaimed at a rally in Kuwait:

"The struggle between us andIsrael is one of existence. It is either we or they. We will not allow Americanor Soviet Jews to remain in Palestine. We will scatter anew the Jews who camefrom Arab lands."

107. At its most recent meeting, heldat Cairo on 8 June 1974, the PLO National Council confirmed these objectives anddecided that the establishment of the authority of the PLO in every area wrestedfrom Israel would be only a step toward the elimination of the Jewish State.

108. The propaganda speeches andconversations in these halls, which for tactical purposes sometimes try to maskthese facts, cannot conceal the truth.

109. These then are the goals of thePLO: to liquidate the Jewish State; to destroy, uproot and scatter its people;to deprive them of their independence, sovereignty, self-determination andequality with other nations. The annals of the United Nations know of noobjective more sinister and more flagrantly opposed to the purposes andprinciples of the Charter.

110. This is a fundamental differencebetween the PLO and national liberation movements. The PLO is an anti-liberationorganization. It seeks to deprive the Jewish people of its liberty. Liberationmovements strive to free subject peoples from the yoke of colonialism. The PLO,however, ignores the existence of an independent Palestinian State of Jordan andrejects the premise that if there are Palestinian needs which have not yet beenfully satisfied, they could be dealt with in negotiations between Israel andthat Palestinian Arab State. Israel, on its part, holds, as stated in theGeneral Assembly on 3 October 1974 by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, YigalAllon [2255th meeting, para.247], that the question ofPalestinian identity can and should be resolved in the context of the settlementof the dispute with its neighbour to the east.

111. In the pursuit of its objectives,the PLO employs the most despicable of methods witnessed by mankind in recentdecades -- the deliberate murder of guiltless civilians. This is not theaccidental loss of civilian lives that occurs in warfare against militarytargets, but wilful, cold-blooded, carefully prepared, bestial assaults oninnocent and defenceless children, women and men.

112. This is the type of atrocity thatGeneral Burns, the former Chief of Staff of the United Nations Truce SupervisionOrganization, condemned as "a war crime", and "as essentially ofthe same character . . . as the offences for which the Nazi leaders had beentried in Nuremberg".

113. This is the kind of savage outragewhich the venerable Rene Cassin, a Nobel prize winner and the internationalcommunity's greatest authority on human rights, described as follows:

"Arab warfare by terror is aloathsome, criminal policy. It violates the cease-fire. It undermines thepeace-making efforts. It is directed against the Israelis and harms the Arabs.Its victims are innocent civilians. It is inspired by unmitigated Nazi-likehatred toward the remnants of a people victimized by the Nazis in history's mosthorrifying genocide."

114. It is the perpetrators of thesecrimes that the United Nations is asked to honour. The international communityhas tried for years to put an end to this scourge of savagery. Now it is calledupon to bow to it in utter humiliation.

115. Still fresh in the minds andhearts of all civilized men is the sacred memory of the children massacred onambushed school buses, of athletes slaughtered at the Olympic Games, ofhigh-school pupils murdered on an outing, of diplomats killed in embassies, ofcivil aircraft hijacked and blown up in the air and on the ground, of passengersat air terminals mercilessly butchered. It is the criminals responsible for suchabominable crimes that the General Assembly is about to invite into its midst.Yassir Arafat, who heads the PLO, continues to serve also as head of the ElFatah -- Black September murder group. This is the gang which has officially andpublicly claimed responsibility for such outrages as the killing of the Israelisportsmen at Munich, the massacre of Israeli children and women at Nahariya andthe slaughter of American and Belgian diplomats at Khartoum. Yassir Arafatpersonally commanded, by radio from Beirut, the entire Khartoum operation.

116. It was after the Munich killingsthat the Secretary-General of the United Nations asked the General Assembly todecide on effective measures against terrorism.

117. Now, Arafat and his henchmen areto be greeted by the United Nations. Could there be a disgrace more appallingfor the international community? Could there be a stigma more degrading for theUnited Nations than to become a forum open to the bearers of barbarism?Throughout the years there have been some General Assembly resolutions whichproved useless or unhelpful. Rarely has there been one more ignominious andludicrous than the draft resolution which alleges that the representatives of apeople are not its elected representatives, not its internationally recognizedGovernment which speaks for the vast majority of the Palestinians in the world,but a bunch of international criminals pursued by the police of tens ofcountries.

118. The Governments supporting itdemonstrate an unparallelled disregard for international law and morality. Thosewho are against it can be proud at not having abandoned the ideals for theachievement and protection of which the United Nations was founded. The standadopted by these Governments creates a chance, though admittedly not aconsiderable one, to. Limit the pernicious consequences of the draft resolution.What are these consequences?

119. First, the draft resolution makesa mockery of the United Nations and of its Charter.

120. Secondly, the draft resolutionwould be a source of encouragement to international terrorism. Many a Governmentrepresented in this chamber faces severe tests in coping with acts of terrorperpetrated by local or foreign terrorist groups. These groups will undoubtedlyread the draft resolution as a sign of acquiescence and permissiveness on thepart of the United Nations and of the Governments that make the adoption of thedraft resolution possible. This, of course, applies equally to the PLO itself,which has subjected numerous countries outside the Middle East to its criminaland sanguinary operations.

121. Thirdly, the draft resolutionthreatens the diplomatic process towards a solution of the Middle East conflict.It creates an obstacle on the road to agreement between Israel and the ArabStates. The latter and their supporters will have only themselves to blame forthe consequences of this development.

122. Fourthly, by promoting the draftresolution, Arab Governments -- and this includes the parties to the currentpeace-making endeavours -- have raised grave doubts regarding their ultimateintentions towards Israel. This will not remain unnoticed by Israel.

123. Fifthly, Governments which permitthe adoption of the draft resolution clearly demonstrate that the tenets of theCharter and fundamental principles of international law and morality are of noimport to them. It is evident that they thereby divest themselves of the rightto speak in the name of these tenets and principles, at least with regard to thesituation in the Middle East. Their views on these matters will be treatedaccordingly.

124. These are thus the connotationsand foreseeable repercussions of the draft resolution. None of them is positive.All of them are damaging.

125. It is equally important toindicate what the draft resolution will not bring about.

126. It will obviously not bring aboutany change in Israel's position towards the PLO. Votes and resolutions in theUnited Nations do not modify the nature of the PLO. It has been and it remainsan association of murder squads unrepresentative of Palestinians.

127. The draft resolution will notaffect Israel's defence against the atrocities that are being perpetrated by thePLO. The Government of Israel will protect its citizens from the nefariouscrimes of the PLO. It will continue to take all the necessary measures to put anend to these crimes. It will continue to strike at the PLO terrorists and attheir bases.

128. The draft resolution will notweaken Israel's resolve to pursue agreement and peace with the Arab States andwill strengthen the understanding of Israel's need for secure boundaries.

129. Israel regrets the negativerepercussions of the draft resolution, but Israel itself will remain steadfastin its positions and policies. In accordance with the United Nations Charter,the draft resolution is arbitrary, illegal and not binding, and Israel willregard it as such. Israel will go on searching for peace with the Arab States,while strengthening itself to ward off their aggression, should it be renewed.Israel will continue to build and develop the land and to invigorate itssociety. It will not permit the barbarism of the PLO to disturb theseendeavours. As to the question of how the draft resolution would affect theUnited Nations and its international standing, as well as Governments which makepossible the passage of the draft resolution, that is another matter. As theBible says: "Can a man take fire in his bosom and his clothes notburn?"

130. Mr. ALARCON (Cuba) (interpretationfrom Spanish): It is not, ofcourse, the intention of the sponsors of drain resolution A/L.736 and Add. I and2 or of this Assembly on this occasion to discuss the substance of the questionof Palestine. As has been pointed out this morning, that question will beconsidered by the Assembly on a subsequent occasion. Today, the General Assemblyhas before it a draft resolution the purpose of which is to ensure that thediscussion in the plenary Assembly on the question of Palestine will take placein the most equitable conditions as regards its principles and in the mostappropriate conditions for its orderly and productive conduct.

131. My delegation believes that allthe statements we have heard this morning bear out the need for the GeneralAssembly to consider this item under the equitable and appropriate conditionsthat would be ensured by adoption of the draft resolution. The statements madethis morning, and I include that made by the speaker who preceded me, indicatethat it is necessary for the legitimate representatives of the Palestine people-- those whom about 100 States consider to be representative, not those whom theoppressors deem appropriate -- to take part in the discussion.

132. All non-aligned countries, theAfrican countries and many others, have made it perfectly clear that the PLO isthe legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine. Those States havealso firmly upheld the view that the serious situation in the Middle East, acrisis considered in this Assembly year after year, will not be resolved in anappropriate manner until the question of Palestine itself is settled -- until,specifically, the Palestine people is guaranteed the exercise of its nationalrights.

133.. This year, the General Assembly,for the first time in many years, has decided to take that approach. It hasdecided that the question of Palestine should be considered as a separate item.In our judgement, then, we shall not only be considering a question of paramountimportance in the very origin of which the General Assembly and the Organizationitself were directly involved; what we shall perhaps also be doing is laying thenecessary groundwork for an improved consideration of the entire problem of theMiddle East.

134. The logical and inevitableconclusion of this universal view that the PLO is the legitimate representativeof the Palestinian people and that only settlement of the question of Palestinewill lead to settlement of the crisis in the Middle East is that the GeneralAssembly, in accordance with the suggestion of more than 70 delegations, adoptdraft resolution A/L.736 and Add.1 and 2.

135. As we have stated on otheroccasions in this Assembly, it is our belief that national liberation movements,including the PLO, have the right to represent their peoples before theinternational community. We believe that they can speak with the greatestauthority on those issues affecting their national destinies. For that reason webelieve it is entirely necessary that we invite the PLO to attend ourdeliberations.

136. But the United Nations has an evengreater duty towards the PLO, for the Organization has hardly been innocent inthe tragedy of that people over more than the past two decades. Today's world isnot the world of 1947. The membership of the Organization is no longer themembership of those days. At this stage, the majority of the membership of thisOrganization cannot be won over by the wornout language of colonialists andimperialists, who have always tried to discredit those fighting for theirindependence and the rights that have been violated. They have often been calledassassins and terrorists, and other similar epithets have been used. Because ithas been described in that way, the PLO has become identified with othernational liberation movements throughout the world, all of which have in thishall had to endure similar descriptions by the representatives of the SouthAfrican regime or those of the former Portuguese empire. It is equally true,however, that the most notable change that has occurred in this Organizationsince the Palestine people first began to endure the plight that afflicts it atthis moment in its history has been the fact that the membership of theOrganization has changed considerably. Today, we have here the representativesof many States that for many years tried to assert their rights and for manyyears were systematically called assassins or terrorists.

137. It is precisely because thisOrganization has developed to the point of now having a majority of Members thatwere insulted in this way in the past that it will no longer take orders fromthose who for centuries oppressed and exploited the peoples of the third world.

138. The terrorism this Organizationhas been condemning, is condemning, and indeed has a duty to condemn in thefuture, is the official, systematic State terrorism applied to an entire people,who have been driven from their land, deprived of their national rights,persecuted and harassed. But the people of Palestine have not been preventedfrom providing us with one of the most shining examples of how oppressed peoplescannot in the end be deprived of their rights, of how national liberationmovements will continue to forge ahead until they have won the very last oftheir national rights.

139. In their fight they shall have thesupport of the overwhelming majority of the Members of this Organization.


The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.

NOTES

1SeeOfficial Records of the General Assembly,Twenty-Second Session, Plenary Meetings, 1658thmeeting, pare. 15.
2See Official Records of the SecurityCouncil, Twenty-eighth Year, 1708thmeeting. pare. 93.