Addressat the Sixth Zionist Congress

The 'Uganda' Congress

By Max Nordau

ADDRESS AT THE SIXTH ZIONIST CONGRESS
Basle, August 24, 1903

You will pardon meif I trouble you at the outset with a few personal observations. My name hasbeen placed in error on the Orders of the Day. I came to Basle with the firmintention of only speaking if, in con-sequence of the trend of any discussion,I regarded it as my bounden duty, as the representative of numerous constituentgroups, to place my views before you. Should this necessity not have arisen Iwished to remain in my seat a silent listener, voting on occasion with the rankand file. I find critics in recent years have represented me as imaginingmyself to be a sort of tenor of the Congress, whose role it is to come and singa few heroic notes, receive applause and then to gracefully retire. I wasresolved to avoid even the appearance of this so just and disinterested arepresentation of my activity at the Congress. I am conscious of never havingindulged here in idle oratory, though I can imagine that a realistic survey ofthe past and present of the Jewish people might appear purely academic to onewho failed to realise that we had to begin our Argonaut journey by taking ourbearings. This indispensable item of navigation is now accomplished. Henceforthwe must engage in steering a straight course. Less than ever may this Congressbecome an academic assembly. Mere rhetoric, art for art's sake, has here noplace. Here only sober, calmly intelligent business speeches may be delivered. Forsuch a one I ask your indulgence.

Our Presidentcommunicated to us yesterday two facts, which spread a hitherto unfamiliarlight across our path. He conveyed to us the intelligence that the BritishGovernment is prepared to grant a concession of land to the Jewish people, notin the form in which such concessions are usually granted, not for the purposeof financial speculation and commercial exploitation, but with theauthoritative expression of the wish of the British Government to evince itssympathy for the Jewish people and to help it in its endeavours to help itself.The Chairman further stated that the Russian Government had given himofficially to understand that Russia was disposed to further our efforts forthe settlement of Palestine.

That is then thediplomatic situation with which the Zionist movement is confronted. FourPowers, including the greatest that hold sway over the globe, have expressedthemselves as favourably disposed, if not to the Jewish people, at any rate tothe Zionist movement. His Majesty the German Emperor expressed his sympathywith our movement at its inception. The British Government is prepared toevince its sympathy in a very substantial and practical manner -- in the formof a grant of land. The Russian Government has declared its willingness tofurther our plans so far as they comprise the Jewish settlement of Palestine. TheUnited States of North America has recently taken two diplomatic steps whichjustify the hope that when the time comes we shall not have to turn to them forsympathy in vain.

The fourth item ofthe Basle programme, on the granite composition of which the snarlers andback-biters will break their teeth, speaks in its necessary and deliberateterseness, which admits of no broad examination of details nor any expansion ofits laconically expressed idea -- it speaks, I repeat, of the "steps forobtaining the assent of the Governments which are necessary for Zionism toachieve its end." This sentence has always had the good fortune of beingregarded by every opponent of Zionism as a thorn in the side. Round thissentence the wit of our opponents has played the most. "This assent of theGovernments," we were ironically told again and again, "you willnever, never obtain. The Sultan will and can never grant you Palestine, foreven if he were disposed to do so -- which will never be the case -- he wouldencounter the opposition of Russia, and on your sweet behalf the Sultan willnot pick a quarrel with his most powerful neighbour. Russia will never allowthe ground which has been trodden by the founder of the Christian religion everto become Jewish." Our critics have once more tested the correctness andwisdom of the English saying "Never prophesy unless you know."

Russia, whom wewere told to recognise and fear as the insurmountable obstacle in our path,Russia declares in a friendly way that it has absolutely no objection to theoccupation of Palestinian soil by Jews. II

And now, Ladiesand Gentlemen, cast your eye back upon the path which Zionism, after somethingless than seven years' existence, has covered in its present form. After barelya year's activity it called this Congress into being; a body to which none, buta few crazy Jewish opponents, denies the quality of legitimately representingthe Jewish people.

All serious peoplerecognise that we are the executive and deliberate representatives of theJewish people. Since the first achievement, to which I have just referred, sixyears have elapsed. In these six years apart from everything else we have doneone thing attracted in all possible ways the attention of the world to theJewish question. Contemporaries do not often take account of the historicalsignificance of events that take place before their own eyes. Posterity isusually juster; it is in a position to be so since it regards human affairsfrom a higher perspective, from a broader standpoint. Posterity will know howto appreciate the fact I have just mentioned. For until the rise of Zionism thenon-Jewish world was assured by the persons, who till then had alone beenrecognised as the official representatives of Jewry, that there was no Jewishquestion, that the Jews were happy and contented. It had become, particularlyin the last decades, since the emancipation of the Jews in the West, a fixedtradition of official Jewry to put on a pleasant face whenever it came intocontact with non-Jews. The position of our celebrated "great Jew" hasalways been that he is eternally rubbing his hands, if he has not stuck them inthe arm-holes of his waistcoat, or put them in his pocket to pay contributionsto public -- generally anti-Jewish -- funds or institutions.

Whenever aMinister or Ruler on a journey or on solemn occasions received the officialrepresentatives of Jewry, the burden of the song was always: "We are happyunder your Government, or under your administration, we are deeply grateful forthe gracious protection which you grant us; we shall humbly endeavour tocontinue to deserve your grace and favour.

We cannot blamethe Governments if with a parade of good faith they amazedly reply to the Jewswho now complain, "What, you are not contented? You are complaining? Thatis something new! Your recognised representatives have always assured us of thecontrary." I claim it as a great service rendered by Zionism that it hasput an end to the humbug about being happy and contented, and to the comedy ofgratitude. From the very beginning we boldly and distinctly said, "We arenot contented; we regard our situation as a very bad one; we consider ourtreatment as discreditable and undeserved; we regard a fundamental change inour situation as a vital necessity; after the humiliating attempts we have madeat assimilation with other peoples we have taken counsel with ourselves and wedesire to live in our own way, in our own right, on our own soil." Wehave, I repeat, placed our wishes in all kinds of ways before the world, wehave spoken to the nations as a people suffering from a wrong and demandingjustice, wt have gone to the Governments. That, I repeat, may appear a smallmatter to contemporary observers; as a matter of fact it is a turning-point inthe history of the Jewish people.

We have asked. Sincethe world began there have ever been but two methods of obtaining anything. Thesetwo methods may be succinctly stated in the words: Take it or ask for it.

We are neither ina position nor desire to take anything so we are thrown back upon the secondmethod, that of asking. It is strange, but literally true, that before the riseof Zionism we absolutely did not ask. Among ourselves we heaved deep sighs,expressed longing desires in prose and verse, pressed each other's hands withsignificant looks, but we have never stood before the Powers, and in anunequivocal form openly and distinctly stated what we wanted. We can neitherreproach ourselves nor others on that account. The Jewish people was in a stateof chaos; it was unorganised; it was a human swarm; it did not even know itselfwhat it wanted; it had no representatives competent to speak in its name; andas it did not know itself what it wanted, it was only natural that theGovernments remained in ignorance. To have altered all that appears little, butin reality it is very much. We had asked! We had asked that Palestine should beopen to our occupation. III In more than one official quarter we received areply, couched perhaps in polite terms, something to the following effect:"You are discontented and you wish to change your quarters. Wecongratulate you on this resolve which testifies to your self-respect and toyour energy. But no Government machinery need be put in motion. We place notthe slightest obstacle in the way of your emigration, and even give you ourbest wishes for a pleasant journey." Perhaps for the first time in ourlives we did not require to possess a sense of humour but were forced to replywith imperturbable, respectful seriousness: Pardon, it does not suffice to openyour doors when the other doors are bolted. You permit our going out, butnobody allows our coming in. As we cannot believe you are playing with thelives of a nation of twelve million souls, we ask you not to stop at thepermission to emigrate but to secure an entry in the land which we have in viewas our goal.

Not from those towhom we appealed, not from official quarters, but from the numerous amateurdiplomats with which the ranks of our opponents swarm, did we get the mockingreply, "What on earth do you imagine is going to happen? Do you expect thePowers are going to say to the Sultan: Now, then, just you give Palestine tothe Jews or you'll have us to reckon with!"? To this we reply with aseriousness which the objection hardly deserves: "That has never been ouridea nor our desire. The sovereign rights and the dignity of the Sultan shallnever be infringed. The day on which we enter a Turkish Province shall for alltime be a great and happy day in the history of the Ottoman Empire. All that wedesire is to be placed by the Great Powers into official communication with theSultan so that, after comprehensive discussion with His Majesty, in the courseof which we confidently expect to convince him that an agreement with us wouldbe to his advantage, at the final conference the Great Powers would berepresented as participants, witnesses and guarantors. If it became apparentthat it was impossible to come to an agreement with His Majesty the Sultan, ifhis unbending will shut us out of Palestine, then, still solemnly asserting ourundying historical claims to the land of our fathers, firmly and resolutelyadhering to the Basle programme, we should have to be patient and wait. We canafford to wait.

Make no mistake. Wecannot afford to wait if we abandon ourselves to despair of our future, if welay down our arms in abject surrender; for then we should rush at terrificspeed to a most horrible downfall. But if we once again summon up courage,resolve to continue to live as a nation, have a clear and settled purpose, thenonce more shall we be the "everlasting people," am olam, andnothing nor anybody will be able to do us the least bit of harm. Then we shallwait patiently till better circumstances present themselves, and continue torenew, when the time comes, deliberately and with imperturbable tenacity --which our enemies, if they please, can call by another uglier name -- ourdemands, till a situation arises in the politics of the world which will causethe Powers to deem it desirable to give us a hearing.