British White Paper of June 1922
The Secretary of State for the Colonies has given renewed
consideration to the existing political situation in Palestine, with a very
earnest desire to arrive at a settlement of the outstanding questions which have
given rise to uncertainty and unrest among certain sections of the population.
After consultation with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert Samuel]
the following statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of
the correspondence that has already taken place between the Secretary of State
and a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of Palestine, which has been
for some time in England, and it states the further conclusions which have since
been reached.
The
tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is mainly due to
apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections of the Arab and by
sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are
concerned are partly based upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of
the [Balfour] Declaration favouring the
establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His
Majesty's Government on 2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the
purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used
such as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is English." His
Majesty's Government regard any such expectation as impracticable and have no
such aim in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated, as appears to be
feared by the Arab delegation, the disappearance or the subordination of the
Arabic population, language, or culture in Palestine. They would draw attention
to the fact that the terms of the Declaration referred to do not contemplate
that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but
that such a Home should be founded `in Palestine.' In this connection it has
been observed with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the
supreme governing body of the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in
September, 1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official statement of
Zionist aims "the determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab
people on terms of unity and mutual respect, and together with them to make the
common home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to
each of its peoples an undisturbed national development."
It is also necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in
Palestine, now termed the Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired to
possess, and does not possess, any share in the general administration of the
country. Nor does the special position assigned to the Zionist Organization in
Article IV of the Draft Mandate for Palestine imply any such functions. That
special position relates to the measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the
Jewish population, and contemplates that the organization may assist in the
general development of the country, but does not entitle it to share in any
degree in its government.
Further, it is contemplated that
the status of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be
Palestinian, and it has never been intended that they, or any section of them,
should possess any other juridical status. So far as the Jewish population of
Palestine are concerned it appears that some among them are apprehensive that
His Majesty's Government may depart from the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary,
therefore, once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that
Declaration, re affirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied Powers at San
Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in
Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one fourth are
farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs;
an elected assembly for the direction of its domestic concerns; elected councils
in the towns; and an organization for the control of its schools. It has its
elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its
religious affairs. Its business is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language,
and a Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life
and displays considerable economic activity. This community, then, with its town
and country population, its political, religious, and social organizations, its
own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact "national"
characteristics. When it is asked what is meant by the development of the Jewish
National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the imposition of
a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the
further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of
Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which
the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an
interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have the best
prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish
people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know that it is
in Palestine as of right and not on the sufferance. That is the reason why it is
necessary that the existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine should be
internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally recognized to rest
upon ancient historic connection.
This, then, is the interpretation
which His Majesty's Government place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood,
the Secretary of State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything
which need cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or
disappointment to the Jews.
For the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish
community in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by immigration.
This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the
economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals. It is
essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon the people
of Palestine as a whole, and that they should not deprive any section of the
present population of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled
these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British occupation has been
about 25,000.
It is necessary also to ensure that persons who are politically
undesirable be excluded from Palestine, and every precaution has been and will
be taken by the Administration to that end.
It is intended that a special committee should be established in
Palestine, consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative Council elected
by the people, to confer with the administration upon matters relating to the
regulation of immigration. Should any difference of opinion arise between this
committee and the Administration, the matter will be referred to His Majesty's
Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition, under Article
81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council, any religious community or
considerable section of the population of Palestine will have a general right to
appeal, through the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State, to the League
of Nations on any matter on which they may consider that the terms of the
Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government of Palestine.
With reference to the Constitution which it is now intended to
establish in Palestine, the draft of which has already been published, it is
desirable to make certain points clear. In the first place, it is not the case,
as has been represented by the Arab Delegation, that during the war His
Majesty's Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government
should be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests
upon a letter dated the 24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then His
Majesty's High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein
of the Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to
the Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs
within the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a
reservation made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope, among other
territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of
Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government
as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The
whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. Henry
McMahon's pledge.
Nevertheless, it is the intention of His Majesty's overnment to
foster the establishment of a full measure of self government in Palestine. But
they are of the opinion that, in the special circumstances of that country, this
should be accomplished by gradual stages and not suddenly. The first step was
taken when, on the institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated Advisory
Council, which now exists, was established. It was stated at the time by the
High Commissioner that this was the first step in the development of self
governing institutions, and it is now proposed to take a second step by the
establishment of a Legislative Council containing a large proportion of members
elected on a wide franchise. It was proposed in the published draft that three
of the members of this Council should be non official persons nominated by the
High Commissioner, but representations having been made in opposition to this
provision, based on cogent considerations, the Secretary of State is prepared to
omit it. The legislative Council would then consist of the High Commissioner as
President and twelve elected and ten official members. The Secretary of State is
of the opinion that before a further measure of self government is extended to
Palestine and the Assembly placed in control over the Executive, it would be
wise to allow some time to elapse. During this period the institutions of the
country will have become well established; its financial credit will be based on
firm foundations, and the Palestinian officials will have been enabled to gain
experience of sound methods of government. After a few years the situation will
be again reviewed, and if the experience of the working of the constitution now
to be established so warranted, a larger share of authority would then be
extended to the elected representatives of the people.
The Secretary of State would point out that already the present
administration has transferred to a Supreme Council elected by the Moslem
community of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious endowments
(Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious Courts. To this Council the Administration
has also voluntarily restored considerable revenues derived from ancient
endowments which have been sequestrated by the Turkish Government. The Education
Department is also advised by a committee representative of all sections of the
population, and the Department of Commerce and Industry has the benefit of the
co operation of the Chambers of Commerce which have been established in the
principal centres. It is the intention of the Administration to associate in an
increased degree similar representative committees with the various Deparments
of the Government.
The Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines, coupled with the maintenance of the fullest religious liberty in Palestine and with scrupulous regard for the rights of each community with reference to its Holy Places, cannot but commend itself to the various sections of the population, and that upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation upon which the future progress and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.